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Marlene Maldonado. Send message. Comptabilitat MS Edit. Guillaume Mata. Joan Marti, 83, Encamp. The focus here is on how competitiveness can be achieved through the employment of technologies for mapping natural and cultural assets and the involvement of different stakeholders.
The third group of papers deals with resource management. Chapter 9 analyses the positive effects of serious game and gamification techniques for enhancing consumer engagement and awareness of Demand Response in relation to energy supply.
The playful interaction between consumers and technology is seen to result in more conscious, flexible energy usage, with a positive effect on future Demand Response programmes.
Chapter 10 deals with an attempt to build an integrated participatory approach to Sustainable Urban Mobility Plan in Rethymno Crete.
The case study examined focuses on how to harness the maturity of participatory planning in Greece to overcome the lack of trust typical of the region, in order to foster more active public engagement in mobility plans.
Chapter 11 analyses the possible spatial distribution of aeroevacuation vehicles in the Aegean island. The spatial optimisation of helicopter bases and the use of spatial analytics are described as a way of promoting better-informed decisions on such a crucial issue as the provision of health services.
Finally, Chapter 12 examines how the sharing economy has changed the tourist accommodation sector in Greece. Through well-known platforms such as Airbnb, the sharing economy is creating new challenges such as taxation and trends such as the peer-to-peer approach in the tourism sector.
However, a strong connective framework, which would establish a coherent place for each contribution, seems to be lacking.
For example, the two chapters that deal with non-Mediterranean case studies are not sufficiently connected to the Mediterranean space that is described, from the book cover onward, as the focus of the volume.
Furthermore, the papers offer a non-homogeneous fresco of both the problems and opportunities offered by new technologies. In fact, while the problems linked to privacy and data protection in data management are clearly identified in Chapter 3, Chapter 12 fails to report the disastrous repercussions of Airbnb on the long-term rental markets in Athens and on the Greek islands.
This circle explored how human rights militancy and more generally the protection of human rights are affected by the international human rights regime and the way this regime enters state relations, and it also examined how the international human rights regime modifies the relations between states and how this is explained in international relations theory.
This circle addresses contemporary migration through the lens of representation. Interpreted broadly as various means of capturing, contextualizing, interpreting, and defining people, institutions, politics, and histories, representation should encompass both tangible renderings — such as photographs and films — and also a wide range of practices and processes whose representational forms serve in specific ways to produce the subject matter itself.
This circle endeavours to study different patterns of dysfunction in contemporary democracies and in particular the insidious processes which undermine the traditional canons of liberal democracy, notably encapsulated in the rule of law and human rights.
Many factors are involved in these insidious processes and the state of the various democracies can be seen as nodal points between different factors that are criss-crossing and thus creating a unique constellation: populism, nationalism, corruption, fear, social isolation, ignorance, poverty, luxury, injustice, rootlessness in its various forms are signs of unbalances within democracies on both the global, national and local levels.
The contributions from these circles evolve around the issues of human rights, democracy including citizenship and religion.
Acquired pensions rights collide with the constraints of democracy and create dilemmas. Lucas L. Eyassu Gayim studies the contentious issues behind and between democracy and human rights and considers the possible conflicts involved in using the Human Rights-Based Approach to measure democracy.
Marianna Barchuk-Halyk approach human rights from the increasingly important notion of human security and the new UN doctrine about the Responsibility to Protect.
Magdalena Tabernacka examines the human right of freedom of religion, and emphasizes the discrepancy found in Poland between the formal adoption of relevant legal measures and the effective protection of the right.
Giorgio Baruchello addresses religious and philosophical beliefs about abortion and their relation to claims about human rights, and how possible conflicts spell out in various social contexts.
Welfare provisions and positive attitudes to pregnancy tend to make abortion less necessary. Julio Jensen considers how an egalitarian tradition within Judeo-Christian thinking has inspired resistance against state power.
The special issue contains the following papers. Democracy Put to the Test of Age. This care meets with some particular difficulties linked to inequalities in what regards economy, politics resulting from demography , health and social conditions.
Certainly, these inequalities can be covered up for some time by a play of fictions which is partly analysed here. A situation seemingly without future considering the age pyramid is strangely enough viable in fact as certain sociological studies have shown, and we endeavour to find a clue to this fact in a dialogue between two persons, who separated by about forty years cross their points of view on how contemporary relations between generations play out.
However, we are not quite sure that this play between fictions is a full substitute for the economic realities. We outline here some first steps in an area rich with contradictions, which we endeavour to illuminate by some elements of a theory of fictions.
A Note on the Origins of Human Rights:. Abstract: In the wake of the Spanish arrival in America, a controversy arose with respect to the legitimacy of the conquest and the colonial rule.
This debate was started by the Dominicans in the New World, who denounced the oppression of the native population. Through the debates concerning the conquest of America, one precondition — noted by Habermas — for the emergence of human rights is explored namely resistance against state power on the basis of the egalitarian tradition belonging to Judeo-Christian thinking.
Abstract: In the past few years, the issue of citizenship deprivation has risen considerably on the agenda of the international community following the recent terrorist attacks in many States.
Many citizens have been deprived of their nationality based on involvement in terrorist activities or possibly on the ground of national security.
In consequence, an increasing body of legal and political discourse on citizenship deprivation has been added to the literature and the academic discussions on the topic at hand.
It also argues that even though there are certain legal instruments that prohibit nationality deprivation resulting in statelessness, as of the statelessness convention, the issue of nationality deprivation most likely creates a legal vacuum for individuals concerned when the acquisition of other rights is necessarily linked to nationality.
Even if the state outlines a model for teaching religion that is compliant with the standards for the protection of human rights, an infringement of these rights may occur due to faulty execution of the existing provisions.
The fact that a given belief system obtains the status of a majority religion does not exempt the state from its obligation to ensure the effective protection of the rights of non-believers and members of minority religions.
The paper is dedicated to questions of human security, the importance of which grows in international relations, yet its legal and political meanings remain ambiguous.
The human security concept is about the protection of a human being or a minority group conceived as the responsibility of the states, or the international community, when the national governments cannot guarantee this security or when they consciously violate these rights.
The concept of Responsibility to Protect is connected with human security. In the Nordic countries, however, the same terms and related responses are generally perceived as academic, at best, or as American, at worst.
The issue of abortion seems to have been settled long ago in the Nordic context, both legally and, above all, socially.
Does it mean that it has also been settled ethically? Although democracy and human rights are universally shared values, their content has always been contested.
The controversy concerns the nature of the human being, how the self relates to the community and the state, and how social and political relations should be formed.
This study highlights the core contentious issues behind democracy and human rights, how these concepts are intertwined and what the implications of using the Human Rights-Based Approach is to measure democracy.
A dysfunction is not only something that goes wrong. It is not just about not knowing how to implement rules, misusing them or enforcing them wrongly.
It is not about contravening the rules; it is rather about how the function of rules provokes a deadlock and impossibilities, such as the jamming of a mechanism in accordance with its own rules.
So technical objects dysfunction when they fight against themselves and each other, and they do this as long as they have not reached their equilibrium point; as long as the crisis of these struggling principles is not yet resolved.
There are illnesses where the organism of the patient fights against itself and obstructs its own life while working according to the principle or the principles that sustain its life processes.
My aim in this paper is to consider the dysfunction of democracy in relation to the generation gap. I will do that with a case, abstractedly singled out, that is really interlinked with all sorts of phenomena and which has — to use a causalist vocabulary, which is not necessarily accurate — sundry effects.
Democracies are sensitive to what is often called the generation gap and this makes them vulnerable, perhaps they will be more and more vulnerable.
Here we encounter a difficulty: what do we mean when we speak about generations? Do we point to a reality or are we faced with a sort of illusion that makes us consider older people as an indistinct mass we are neither close to nor anxious to join one day?
The other way around, when we become old, it is the turn of the younger people to be considered as a mass on which we depend for our livelihood, particularly when we are no longer working, and they are not supposed to be hostile, but at least an uncertain and precarious support.
It may, of course, be said that democracy, because of its political structure, evens out such dissensions: is there not a tacit underlying contract in which everybody promises to contribute to the life and well-being of others when they are unable to do so by themselves, since they have contributed to the conditions of life and well-being of those who could not — or which society esteemed could not — provide for themselves?
This contract draws its value from the principle and the fact that, in a democracy every vote or every opinion counts as one vote or as one opinion; and it draws its chances of being accepted from exactly this fact or this principle.
But, as we shall see, it might be just this contractual ideology, through which we envisage democracy and believe it to be effective, that constitutes the very difficulty making the older generations fear the younger and the younger generations envy the older while feeling at the same time a hatred or anger that is not necessarily ill-founded.
David Hume was the first to demonstrate in a very subtle way a relative incompatibility between a contractual conception of democracy and the demographic realities.
In his famous essay, The Original Contract , he showed that generations of butterflies may draw up contractual relations, because all the full-grown butterflies come out of their chrysalises practically at the same time, and that, if these insects had to contract forms of government, they could do so in committing themselves to the others, without contradictorily constraining those who could not negotiate the contract before entering into it; whereas human beings, entering diffusely into mixed generations, are forced, by the very structure of their birth, to negotiate with everyone what they enforce the younger generations to recognize, on pain of being obliged, every day, to renegotiate the contract.
Hume drew the consequence that a state can neither be thought nor lived in a contractual way and that, for this reason, democracy is nothing but an illusion.
It is not possible, in his opinion, that political links may be thought of or lived as a game between freedom understood as autonomy and equality.
Mutatis mutandis , our societies have made the reverse ideological choice and they believe or pretend to believe in the possibility of democracy and in its reality; but they cannot escape the problem they will thus encounter.
Indeed, the constant and diffuse transition from one age to another blurs for every individual any contractual relation between one age bracket and another.
For greater convenience, these age brackets are called generations. A state may decide, at a given moment, by law, that everyone has the right to retire or even the obligation to cease to work at a definite age that may be fixed by mutual consent, as it is proper in a democracy.
In other words, a middle generation may and must accept to take care of other generations; both, the younger generation that has not yet worked, but is learning trades, and the older generation that has already worked and that is no longer fit to work or is considered unfit to work, and having, in any case, no longer the duty to do so.
This middle generation accepts this caretaking because its members know that they will be treated in the same way afterwards by the upcoming generation and because they also know that the older generation they are committed to support has already supported a generation older than itself.
If the law is sufficiently precise and definite, and if no disaster erupts and massively kills a great part of the population, whatever be this part, one may predict the number of transitions in the category of those who will be supported after having supported others and being helped by themselves by paying a contribution to a pension fund.
But what is difficult to insert into a law, what is difficult to foresee and to take into account — because that would amount to making the contract too vague and volatile — is, for instance, the increase in human life expectancy.
Furthermore, the members of our hedonist or eudemonist societies — at least ideologically hedonist or eudemonist, but this ideology is not of little consequence — know that it is better, in order to be happy, that a family should not have too many children.
Thus the population pyramid in many societies looks like a sort of ace of diamonds whose base is narrower and narrower, the middle stages more and more filled and the summit higher and slender.
In other words, the basis of those who have the responsibility — and moreover, of those who will have the responsibility — of the generations that do not work, or that will not work, is more and more narrow, while the responsibility they assume becomes heavier.
The hedonism of some might be painful for others. We can see where the dysfunction is: contracts, even drawn up with full legitimacy between generations, quickly lapse because of the obstinacy of facts themselves the increase of life expectancy, for instance.
The observance of drawn up contracts, the fulfilment by the state of its commitments, may be the reason for an aggravation of this phenomenon.
When a generation claims its happiness, another is pressured to pay the price for it. Here I notice — and this is the point where Hume was right when he criticized a pure cultivation of equality to the detriment of all other considerations — that the best principle may, purely and solely cultivated, become the worst in certain circumstances, if it is not limited by other principles.
But, on the one hand, by which principles? And, on the other hand, in what way? By Rawlsian lexicality? By a vector product?
Furthermore: even if the principles were rightly bound together, there would remain a gap between this synthesis and the fact that it happens in circumstances which are always different.
It may be said, however, and to a certain extent with good reason, that the benefit and strength of democracies are precisely their capacity for posing these problems and attempting to solve them through negotiations between citizens that unceasingly envisage the questions and deal with them in the best interest of everyone as equals.
I agree, but they might very well encounter the difficulty well highlighted by Hume in his challenge of democracy.
If, in a democracy, every citizen has one vote and if no vote counts more than another, it is clear that the majority of elderly people in comparison with the working generations may crush the ballot of those working generations and reduce to nothing the well-founded will to renegotiate contracts,  particularly when we know that non-voters are recruited from young people.
Those who support the heavier charges, because they are of an age to work, may have most difficulty in being heard in the cacophony of interests.
They may even have the feeling that democracies, because of their majority vote, are nothing but authoritarian machines that silence them, preventing them from participating in the happiness they mainly contribute to producing for others by their efforts.
They feel it like an unjust sacrifice that constrains them without the least hope of benefiting from the same advantages they give to others because they are not encouraged to have children; so they despair of politics.
The only place where they could have found a solution is spoiled by the problem itself. This is a concrete place where a well-grounded distinction may be found that, abstractly considered, would seem pointless.
So laws are valuable only when they are laid down from that latter point of view. A bundle of interests — be it the majority — can never lead but to a disaster.
A decision may engage the collectivity, not only when it is the majority decision, but also when it is made by every citizen with full knowledge of the matter.
In democracy, in order to be valuable for the entire collectivity, a decision must be understood by everyone and discussed among its members; it must not merely be the effect of the weight of the greater number.
This is perhaps the specific contribution of Stuart Mill to the distinction Rousseau drew between the two types of will.
It is only through discussion among well-informed people that an acceptable position may be arrived at, provided everyone agrees that what seemed to be well-balanced at the moment might be changed when it becomes unbalanced.
Moreover, I shall here sketch a proposal that perhaps will be taxed with egalitarianism. Of course, many people admit that unequal working conditions are scandalous, even though most democracies suffer from too large a disparity in wages or from other social inequalities.
But these inequalities become more flagrant and unacceptable, where they are imposed by a majority consisting of non-workers on retirement.
How could one accept that the non-work of some be better paid than the non-work of others? It is as if a sort of inertia principle is absurdly at work where the inequalities of the time when men were working pass on to the time when they have ceased to work.
Objections will be raised that the issue here is not one of inertia, but a contract formed by the will of the parties; that the forecasting of this time of non-work is included in the wages or salaries paid to those still at work, and that, consequently, it is not abnormal that this contribution to a pension fund during the work period sets off the inequality regarding the period of non-work by which we are presently scandalized.
But this should not prevent us from raising the question of the justice of such a transfer: Why should the time of non-work not be a time to lessen the inequalities, since they are then much less acceptable?
The fate of those who need the most help, even if they have worked for a time as long as the others, is much more cruel during the time of powerlessness, because they are old and ill, than the destiny of the well-to-do that are better cured and cared for, even though they might be struck down by the same diseases.
I only touch on the subject here of the long search for a decent retirement home for dependent elderly people what is called EHPAD  in France , when they must wait in a hospital for a nursing home to accommodate them.
The accommodation in these nursing homes is extremely varied depending on the level of wealth of their inhabitants, and it may be disastrous, as it is presently denounced in France, both by the staff and the directors of such establishments.
Perhaps there is a more outrageous phenomenon than the economic inequalities and one which reinforces them: it is inequality faced with illness and death.
Those who have worked hard, being physically exposed to the elements, tribulations and abuses, lose health and life sooner than those who have worked with their intellectual and imaginative faculties.
The feelings of injustice are necessarily heightened in those who must work under more painful conditions than others — and for others — that are already favoured by economic conditions and over a longer time.
So, the mere application of true democratic principles may provoke dysfunctions that check and deregulate democracy.
Indeed, the observance of contracts, even if the implementation of those contracts is very remote from the day when the parties drew them up, is a principle of democracy and also a mere principle of the commonwealth; but it must not be, in this regard, a heavy burden of worries for those who, having not directly negotiated the contracts or having merely inherited them, take them upon themselves thus honouring a state worthy of the name.
The fiction of the legitimacy of the unequal share of what is paid after retirement is acceptable only, on the one hand, in an individualistic perspective in which every individual leans on the community only to settle a personal destiny, and on the other hand, in the no less dubious prospect of a steady course of time.
Following such a prospect, in contracting to do something at a given moment, it must be possible to find, under the same conditions, what was decided, many decades earlier, as if the state should warrant civil laws as steady as pretended laws of nature of the classical age; in other terms, as if it could promise a world without any accidents, risks, probabilities, or dissymmetry between past and future.
When the world of laws is expected to be pure thought and without any unforeseen event, it has the chance to be in the position of the Procrustean bed whose pretence is to measure a reality which does not care about those fantastic rules that might be maleficent for men and lure them into ideological traps.
These latter remarks concerning differences and conflicts of temporality allow us to gain a new characteristic in comparison with the implicitly or explicitly quantitative approach we have so far assumed for defining the notion of a generation and taking another point of view upon the dysfunctions that have appeared to us.
Certainly, the qualitative and modal approach to the notion of generations, of their limits and of their possible conflicts, goes back a long way.
The former lived between two disasters, one that had already taken place, the other about to take place and opening up a tragic horizon.
The second generation, ignoring war, living with hedonistic norms, taking on an air of egoism rather than altruism, without caring much for the condition in which it leaves the world to the generation of its children.
These are only sundry examples; so the slicing of the last generations in three or four pieces have many chances of being fallacious; but they give a direction we must not neglect on the pretext that only what is quantitative and countable would be real.
In parallel with many books written within sociology attempting a definition of what a generation is, I was struck by a dialogue that has the air of a monograph, though it was written by two authors.
They are separated by four decades and following themes split into conventional units; they faithfully take stock of their differences in their conception of the family, the part of work in their lives, their mode of sexuality, their labour union and political commitments; the social-class difference never seems to be the most dividing split between them.
Among the less expected matters in this exciting exchange, the reader finds the opposition between two ways of thinking about time and of living in it, so that it is difficult to separate ideology from reality.
Based on a study conducted in the night-life district, called Paceville, of a small coastal town in Malta, this research argues that public spaces are always places of conflict because each stake holder claims the space as his own; this perpetual negotiation of ownership being what distinguishes public spaces from private ones.
Pointing at the absence of real public spaces in the large hotel and real estate projects in Paceville, I wish to stress the necessity to re-think public spaces in political terms and not only in architectural and urbanist terms.
At the core of this research conducted in and lies the idea that if the space is the product of social forces in place Lefebvre, , it is as much one of the conditions of possibility of society.
Cet engagement est rendu de plus en plus difficile. De nombreux auteurs parmi lesquels E. Swyngedouw et C. Les raisons sont multiples.
Ainsi S. Vous devriez avoir honte de regarder une femme de la sorte. Pour elle ibid. Bachelard Il est tout aussi important de noter que G.
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